On 16 April 2012, Yemeni Human Rights Defender Mr Ali Al Dailami was stopped, threatened and harassed for four hours by national security officers at Sanaa airport on his arrival from Cairo where he had attended a human rights conference.

Ali Al Dailami, a prominent human rights defender, is the General Co-ordinator of the Yemeni Organisation for the Defence of Rights and Democratic Freedoms.

On his arrival at Sanaa airport Ali Al Dailami was held by members of the national security and subjected to interrogation in a provocative manner during which it was alleged that his name was included on a list of those wanted by the Yemeni police since 2006. He was held for up to four hours at the airport harassed and threatened with punishment which the security officers did not specify. His passport was confiscated, but when he showed the security officer a card indicating his human rights work, he was given his passport back. Shortly afterwards, however Ali Al Dailami’s passport was again confiscated and he was accused of leaving Yemen illegally, despite having an exit visa stamped on his passport when he passed through the same airport on 11 April 2012 on his way to Cairo.

Ali Al Dailami, who is now effectively prevented from travelling, denounced the manner in which he was treated by the national security and the presence of his name on a list of those wanted by the police. He protested at the provocative and unlawful way he has been treated each time he enters and leaves Sanaa airport. At the time of this incident, Ali Al Dailami was returning form Cairo to which he had been invited by the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies to attend a consultative meeting on the human rights situation in the region held in the presence of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders and the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Assembly and Association.

Front Line Defenders believes that the harassment and seizure of Ali Al Dailami’s passport are directly related to his peaceful and legitimate work as a human rights defender and are intended to prevent him from carrying out this work and from networking with other human rights defenders abroad.

Yemen: Human rights defender Ali Al-Dailami detained and interrogated at Sana’a airport following his participation in human rights meeting

Beirut, 21 April, 2012 — On 16 April 2012, human rights defender, Mr Ali Al-Dailami, was detained at the airport in Sana’a following his participation in a human rights meeting held in Cairo. Defender Ali Al- Dailami is the Executive Director of the Yemeni Organization for the Defense of Democratic Rights and Freedom. He has been subjected to arbitrary arrest and detention in the past as a result of his human rights activities.

On 16 April 2012 the human rights defender was detained and interrogated by Yemeni security forces at the airport in Sana’a. The security officers confiscated his passport and accused him of leaving Yemen illegally despite the fact that he had a valid departure stamp on his passport. He was told that he was being detained due to a ‘similarity of names’ however; the officers interrogating him stated that they knew he worked in the area of human rights.

Ali Al-Dailami was returning from a consultative meeting held on “Human rights in the Arab world and the role of international mechanisms for its promotion and protection” organized by the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies and International Service for Human Rights, which was attended by human rights defenders and civil society organizations in MENA region.

Following the incident, Ali Al-Dailami stated, “I condemn this ill treatment each time I leave or arrive at Sana’a airport and the fact that my name is on the black list since 2006″.

Nabeel Rajab, director of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights said : “Human rights defender Ali Dailami is one of the defenders who is internationally recognized for his continued activity in order to defend the civil and human rights of the people of Yemen. The authorities in Yemen should completely stop these harassments and allow him to work freely.”

The Gulf Center for Human Rights (GCHR) believes that the detention and interrogation of Ali Al-Dailami are directly related to his human rights work and in particular his attendance and participation in the human rights meeting held in Cairo.

The GCHR urges the authorities in Yemen to:

Ensure that Ali Al-Dailami is able to travel freely without being subjected to detention or interrogation at the airport in Sana’a and that his name is removed from the black list;
Take all necessary measures to guarantee the physical and psychological integrity and security of Ali Al-Dailami;
Guarantee in all circumstances that all human rights defenders in Yemen are able to carry out their legitimate human rights activities without fear of reprisals and free of all restrictions including travel harassment.

GCHR respectfully reminds you that the United Nations Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, adopted by consensus by the UN General Assembly on 9 December 1998, recognises the legitimacy of the activities of human rights defenders, their right to freedom of association and to carry out their activities without fear of reprisals. We would particularly draw your attention to Article 5 (a): “For the purpose of promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, at the national and international levels: (a) To meet or assemble peacefully “, Article 6 (c): “Everyone has the right, individually and in association with others: (c) To study, discuss, form and hold opinions on the observance, both in law and in practice, of all human rights and fundamental freedoms and, through these and other appropriate means, to draw public attention to those matters and to Article 12 (2): “The State shall take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by the competent authorities of everyone, individually and in association with others, against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of his or her legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in the present Declaration.”

The Gulf Centre for Human Rights is an independent centre and has been registered in Ireland. The Centre works to strengthen support for human rights defenders and independent journalists in Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Yemen.

Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, renowned human rights advocate and past president of IFEX member the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BCHR) is entering his ninth week of a hunger strike in prison which he began on 8 February to protest a life sentence for peacefully expressing his right to freedom of expression. He pledged to continue his protest until “freedom or death.” His life is now in serious danger and there may be irreparable damage to his health.

Sign this petition, started by BCHR President Nabeel Rajab, calling for the immediate release of Al-Khawaja. The international community must act together now to save Al -Khawaja’s life.

HELP US SPREAD THE WORD:

• Tweet this page, using the hashtag #savealkhawaja
• Post this to your Facebook page, asking your friends to join our campaign
• Change your profile picture to the photo above, including a link to the petition
• Tweet a message to the Bahrain Ministry of the Interior at @moi_bahrain on Twitter

Stop A Real Life Hunger Game

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Al-Khawaja and another 20 activists, bloggers and human rights defenders were sentenced for their participation in peaceful protests last year. Al-Khawaja and several others were sentenced to life in prison, and 14 of them are in detention while the other seven were sentenced in absentia. There is no evidence that they advocated or carried out violence. They have alleged that they were tortured in detention and Al-Khawaja was treated for fractures to his face, among other abuses. The Court of Cassation, which is hearing the case on appeal, said it would announce a verdict on 23 April. After a hearing on 2 April, Al-Khawaja informed his family and lawyer that he would stop his glucose intake. Al-Khawaja’s health is poor and he has already fallen in and out of consciousness. As a result, he was moved to the main prisoners’ hospital at the Ministry of Interior’s headquarters.

In November 2011, the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI), which was mandated by the King himself, called for all prisoners tried in military courts to be transferred to civilian courts and for investigations into allegations of torture. Despite these recommendations, human rights defenders, political activists and bloggers remain in jail or in hiding.

Al-Khawaja is the founder of BCHR and the Gulf Center for Human Rights and a former Middle East and North Africa director of Front Line Defenders. He has also documented human rights abuses in Bahrain for international human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Al-Khawaja is married and has four daughters. He’s lived in exile in Denmark for decades, and returned to Bahrain after the government announced a general amnesty in 2001.

Follow the updates on AlKhawaja health on: http://www.bahrainrights.org/en/node/5049

The state of lack of interest by the Swedish Institute was confirmed when the institute failed to extend invitations to the Arab Coalitions to attend the conference held in September 2010. This also confirms that the Swedish Institute and the parties that finance it are working separately and do not build on the efforts made by these Arab alliances, but regrettably, they begin from square one, and this confirms that they are squandering financial resources and the efforts made by the Arab alliances in this regard.

This should prompt the Swedish Institute and its financiers who support the institute and its conferences to pause, because they spend hefty amounts of money toward new players who have just been formed. These new players (against the death penalty) discuss the opportunities, challenges and strategies-activities that Arab Coalitions have conducted for years. The Swedish Institute ignores the fact that conferences, seminars and meetings were held by the experienced Arab Coalitions in the past, rendering these actions as insignificant. In reality, the movement is not in its beginning stages, the movement has mobilized effectively for several years now.
The alliances signing this statement would like to assert to all the parties concerned that the ability to secure funding by these organizations and institutes is not alone sufficient to make achievements. These issues cannot be solved purely by holding of conferences, inviting new persons to attend these conference, and re-discussing topics that were discussed a few years ago is not a sound attitude under any circumstance. What is more useful and more important than this is institutional and systematic work that is done through national and regional alliances which enjoy sufficient assets of experience in this field, and this applies to each of the Arab coalitions for opposing the death penalty and the national alliances in the said countries. It is noteworthy that these alliances were formed since 2007, with significant amount of effort being exerted before the official formation.

The coalitions signing this statement are requesting the foreign organizations which receive funds from donors to carry out projects in the Arab region in accordance with accuracy and transparency. Foreign organizations such as the Swedish Institute should find constructive ways to work with existing national organizations to help curb capital punishment in the region. These actions will prevent repetition of previous efforts and allow for the better spending of valuable resources and manpower. Cooperation with experienced regional organizations will also maximize the social benefits and advances on issues such as human rights, the right to life, and the right to self-determination.

The signatory coalitions:
1- The Arab Coalition against Death Penalty.
2- The Egyptian Coalition against Death Penalty.
3- The Yemeni Coalition against Death Penalty.
4- The Jordanian Coalition against Death Penalty.
5- The Iraqi Coalition against Death Penalty.
6- The Mauritanian Coalition against Death Penalty.
7- The Palestinian Coalition against Death Penalty.
8- The Syrian Coalition against Death Penalty
9- The Lebanese Coalition against Death Penalty.

Date: 8/10/10

Yemenis accused of supporting the Huthis who are armed Zaidi Shi’a rebels in the northern Sa’dah region, or the Southern Movement, have also been targeted for arbitrary detention, unfair trials in specialized courts and beatings, together with journalists, dissenters, human rights defenders, and critics of the government.

Some have been subjected to enforced disappearance for weeks or months by largely unaccountable security agencies that report directly to Yemen’s President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

“An extremely worrying trend has developed where the Yemeni authorities, under pressure from the USA and others to fight al-Qa’ida, and Saudi Arabia to deal with the Huthis, have been citing national security as a pretext to deal with opposition and stifle all criticism.” said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty International’s Director for the Middle East and North Africa Programme.

“All measures taken in the name of countering terrorism or other security challenges in Yemen must have at its heart the protection of human rights.”

The number of death sentences passed in trials of people accused of having links to al-Qa’ida, or to the Huthi armed group has noticeably increased. In 2009, at least 34 people accused of links to Huthi armed groups were sentenced to death.

The security forces have killed at least 113 people since 2009 in operations the government says target “terrorists”. Attacks have become more frequent since December 2009 with security forces in some cases making no attempt to detain suspects before killing them.

At least 41 people were killed, 21 of them children and 14 of them women, on 17 December 2009 when their settlement in al-Ma’jalah area in the southern district of Abyan was hit by missiles.

“The Yemeni authorities have a duty to ensure public safety and to bring to justice those engaged in attacks that deliberately target members of the public, but when doing so they must abide by international law,” said Malcolm Smart. “Enforced disappearances, torture and other ill-treatment, and extrajudicial executions are never permissible, and the Yemeni authorities must immediately cease these violations.”

“It is particularly worrying that states such as Saudi Arabia and the USA are directly or indirectly aiding the Yemeni government in a downward spiral away from previously improving human rights record.”

The Southern Movement is a loose coalition of individuals, political groups and other organizations advocating for greater rights for people in the south, with origins tracing back to the 1994 civil war between northern and southern Yemen. Many factions of the Movement now call for the south to secede from the rest of Yemen.

Huthis, followers of Hussain Badr al-Din al-Huthi in the region of Sa’dah, have been fighting the government since 2004 in what initially began as a protest at the US led invasion of Iraq, but developed into armed conflict particularly after the killing of their leader by the government.

The Specialized Criminal Court (SCC) was created in the name of ‘countering terrorism’ in 1999, its remit expanded in 2004, and three additional SCCs were then established in 2009. The SCC has been used to convict people such as journalists covering the conflict in Sa’dah, or grievances expressed by the Southern Movement.

Hundreds have been tried by the SCC since its establishment in 1999.

This court is now being used by the Yemeni authorities against a wide range of people whose activities or disclosures are considered hostile or harmful to the government.

Qassem Askar Jubran, former diplomat, and Fadi Ba’oom, political activist, were arrested in April 2009, charged with “harming the independence of the Republic” and “the unity of Yemen” and for organizing protests in aid of the Southern Movement. Both were sentenced to five years’ imprisonment in March 2010, and have since been released.

“All they have against him is involvement in the Southern Movement, writing in al-Ayyam newspaper, attending gatherings,” Salah Askar Jubran, Qassem’s brother told Amnesty International in March.

The creation of the Specialized Press and Publications Court (SPPC) in May 2009 was widely seen as a government attempt to suppress non-violent opposition and the expression of critical views in the media.

Anissa Uthman, a journalist working for al-Wassat newspaper, is among several journalists and editors tried by the SPPC. In her absence she was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment in January 2010 on charges of defaming President Saleh. According to reports, she was prosecuted because of articles she wrote criticizing the arrest and imprisonment of human rights activists

Download Yemen: Cracking down under pressure Report
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE31/010/2010/en

The Committee published on 20 November its provisional conclusions and recommendations on Yemen’s second periodic report concerning the implementation of the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. It had examined the report on 3 November, but, in an unusual development, the Yemeni government did not attend the session. 
The Yemeni authorities have an opportunity to respond to the conclusions and recommendations before the Committee next meets in April and May 2010. Amnesty International calls on them to do so, but also to implement without delay and as a first step a key recommendation of the Committeethat they”announce a policy of eradication of torture and ill-treatment”. Such action would help to signal the authorities’ will - currently being called into question - to deal with one of the major areas of human rights concern in the country.

 
Torture and other ill-treatment are widespread practices in Yemen and are committed, generally with impunity, against both detainees held in connection with politically motivated acts or protests and ordinary criminal suspects. Methods of torture and other ill-treatment are reported to include beatings all over the body with sticks, rifle butts, punching, kicking, prolonged suspension by the wrists or ankles, burning with cigarettes, being stripped naked, denial of food and prompt access to medical help, as well as threats of sexual abuse.

 
Torture and other ill-treatment are often carried out as a means of obtaining “confessions” during interrogation. Such “confessions” are generally accepted by the court without being investigated adequately, if at all. This is despite constitutional guarantees and provisions of the Code of Criminal Procedure which prohibit the admissibility of such evidence. Most torture and other ill-treatment take place during the initial period of detention by security forces, when detainees are generally not provided access to a lawyer or to their families.

 
Criminal sanctions which violate the absolute prohibition against torture and other cruel, inhuman and or degrading treatment or punishment, “such as floggings, beatings and even amputation of limbs, are still prescribed by law and practiced” in Yemen, as the Committee noted with concern. In addition, Amnesty International receives reports of prison authorities resorting to torture and other ill-treatment as a form of non-judicial punishment against political prisoners.

 
Dozens of detainees arrested in May 2009 following a peaceful protest calling for the release of political prisoners held in connection with the Southern Movement, a coalition of political groups seen by the Yemeni government as calling for the independence of the southern part of the country, have reportedly since been subjected to torture or other ill-treatment in the al-Mukalla Central Prison, in the south-east of Yemen. Seven men who were suspected of having led the protest, including one named Salim ‘Ali Bashawayh, had their wrists and ankles handcuffed to fixed bars and were suspended from them for several hours. Others were reportedly tear-gassed, subjected to beatings with sticks, punched and kicked in order to stop them from chanting demands for the independence of the south of the country and for their release from prison.

 
Torture and other ill-treatment are facilitated by what the Committee described as “a widespread practice of mass arrests without a warrant and arbitrary and prolonged detention without charges and judicial process”. In Amnesty International’s experience, detainees are generally not allowed to notify a relative or lawyer of their place of detention, despite the Code of Criminal Procedure stipulating that they should be afforded this right “immediately”.

 
In some cases the authorities deny for weeks that they are holding a detainee in their custody in response to requests from their family for information on their whereabouts. Such cases constitute enforced disappearances. Amnesty International has recorded dozens of such cases over recent years; many have involved individuals arrested in connection with the conflict between the army and followers of Zaidi Shi’a cleric Hussein al-Houthi in Yemen’s northerly Sa’da region, which has been raging intermittently since 2004, or with recent anti-government demonstrations in the south of the country protesting at the perceived discrimination by the authorities against the people of that region.

 
One person who remains disappeared is Muhammad al-Maqalih, a Yemeni journalist and member of the Yemeni Socialist Party who was abducted from a street in the capital Sana’a on 17 September by a group of men who arrived in an unmarked white minibus. There has been no news of Muhammad al-Maqalih since. He is suspected to have been arrested because of his public criticism of the army’s killing of civilians in Sa’da.

 
At first Muhammad al-Maqalih was believed to be detained by the Central Organ of Political Security in Sana’a. However, in October the Attorney General told Muhammad al-Maqalih’s family that the Central Organ of Political Security had denied that he was in their custody. It is now believed that Muhammad al-Maqalih is being detained in the al-Qal’a Prison in Sana’a. Amnesty International wrote to Yemen’s Minister of Defence on 21 October to ask about his place of detention and to raise concerns that he is at risk of torture or other ill-treatment, but has received no response to date.

 
To combat such practices, the Yemeni government should follow the announcement of “a policy of eradication of torture and ill-treatment” by implementing without delay a key recommendation of the Committee against Torture to “take immediate steps to prevent acts of torture and ill-treatment throughout the country”.

 
As recommended by the Committee, they should, in particular, “ensure that all detainees are afforded, in practice, all fundamental legal safeguards from the very outset of their detention. These include, in particular, the right to have prompt access to a lawyer and an independent medical examination, to notify a relative, and to be informed of their rights at the time of detention, including about the charges laid against them, as well as to appear before a judge within a time limit in accordance with international standards.” They should also “establish a national system to monitor and inspect all places of detention and follow up on the outcome on such systematic monitoring”.

 
Background

The UN Committee against Torture is the expert body established by the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment to monitor countries’ compliance with that treaty. It is composed of 10 independent, impartial members who are elected by the states parties to the treaty. Governments must submit periodic reports to the Committee which in turn make recommendations to further the State party’s implementation of the treaty.

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

PUBLIC STATEMENT

27 November 2009

Index: MDE 31/017/2009

Human Rights Watch is extremely concerned about the consequences of the current fighting on the humanitarian situation in that region, based on reports coming from the United Nations and other humanitarian agencies in Yemen, as well as media reports. As happened during the fifth round of fighting (May-July 2008), Yemeni authorities, citing security concerns, have hampered the access of humanitarian groups to the conflict areas, with consequences for the provision of medicines, food, and other humanitarian supplies as well as for reliable information about the impact of the fighting on the civilian population. Current reports indicate that upward of 100,000 civilians have been displaced by the new fighting, and the World Health Organization reports that in Sa`da governorate, the epicenter of the fighting, health facilities are “non-functional.”

The extent of deaths and injuries among civilians is not known. International humanitarian law - the laws of war - requires warring parties at all times to distinguish between combatants and civilians, and to direct attacks only against combatants or legitimate military objectives. The laws of war prohibit attacks that target or indiscriminately harm civilians. Civilian objects, such as homes, schools, and places of worship, are also protected from attack unless they are being used for military purposes. Warring parties must also allow for humanitarian access and ensure that any restrictions are imposed only temporarily and when required by “imperative military necessity.”

When Human Rights Watch visited Yemen in July 2008, researchers gathered information on the fifth round of fighting, including allegations of aerial bombing and artillery shelling attacks on populated villages by government forces as well as other serious laws of war violations by both sides, including use of children under 18 in combat, use of anti-personnel landmines in civilian areas, and taking civilians and combatants hostage. Because of the government information blackout and refusal to grant access at the time, Human Rights Watch was unable to verify these accounts.

The government of Yemen and the Huthi leadership have both pledged to respect the laws of war. Human Rights Watch calls on leaders of both sides, in accordance with their obligations under international law, to ensure that forces under their command fully comply with these public pledges. Human Rights Watch also called on both sides to facilitate access to the conflict area by humanitarian agencies, journalists, and human rights monitors.

Copy the enclosed letter and send it to the address provided.

Thank you for taking action on behalf of Ali Hussain al-Dailam.

Target adresses:
Field Marshall Ali Abdullah Saleh,
President,
Office of the President,
Zubairy Street,
Sana’a,
Yemen.

Letter:
Your Excellency,

I am concerned for the safety of human rights defender Mr Ali Hussain al-Dailami, who has reportedly been receiving direct threats and nuisance calls and messages in reaction to his role in the ongoing campaign for the release of detainees related to the Sa’da conflict.

Ali Hussain al-Dailami is the executive director of the Yemeni Organization for the Defence of Democratic Rights and Freedom, and was previously a victim of detention and alleged torture in 2006.

During a sit-in on 31 March 2009, Ali Hussain al-Dailami was reportedly approached by an officer of the Political Security Apparatus (PSA), who threatened Ali Hussain al-Dailami that he would soon be a “guest” of the PSA because “he went too far in crossing the red lines”. Ali Hussain al-Dailami mentioned the threat in his speech at the same sit-in. Since then, and as a result, he has been receiving threatening and abusive telephone calls and text messages. He filed a complaint with the Minister of the Interior and provided a list of telephone numbers from which he had been receiving the calls and messages.

I believe that these threats and harassment are an attempt to hinder his legitimate and peaceful activities in the defence of human rights, especially the rights of the detainees.

I urge the Yemeni authorities to:

1.Take urgent and effective measures to ensure the protection of human rights defender Ali Hussain al Dailami;

2.Launch an immediate and impartial investigation into the alleged threats made against Ali Hussain al-Dailami and make those responsible accountable;

3.Ensure that all human rights defenders in Yemen are free to carry out their legitimate and peaceful work in defence of human rights, without fear of intimidation or reprisal. ]]> http://www.hurryat.org/en/?feed=rss2&p=26 http://www.hurryat.org/en/?p=51 http://www.hurryat.org/en/?p=51#comments Wed, 19 Aug 2009 13:38:02 +0000 admin http://www.hurryat.org/en/?p=51

Report uncovering media coverage of the Darfur crisis shows that Sudanese and Arab media give little priority to the Darfur conflict and when covered, they mainly focus on the political aspects

According to the study: “A quantitative and qualitative analysis: Media coverage of the Darfur conflict in Sudanese and non-Sudanese media”, released today by International Media Support and the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, the coverage has been very limited.

Significantly, the study provides evidence that the Arab media does not give any significant priority to the crisis”, was the conclusion based on accurate recordings of media coverage between November 2007 and March 2008.

When covered, the findings show, 33,7 percent of the total time devoted by electronic news media to the Darfur conflict focused on the work of the work of the diplomatic community, while conditions for refugees received only 4,7 percent of the air time.

Results for the print media painted a similar picture in the report which was produced in a joint collaboration between International Media Support, Cairo Institute of Human rights Studies, Osservatorio di Pavia, Amman Community Net and Khartoum Centre for Human Rights and Environmental Development.
Portrayed as an international conflict
The research also revealed that Sudanese and Arab media alike presented the Darfur stories as an international story, whereas the national dimension and root causes of the conflict received much less coverage in all media including Sudanese media.

Interviews with News editors disclosed a wide range of details about the editorial choices, which the Darfur conflict was subjected to including financial constraints in sending correspondents to the scene as well as red tape imposed by the Sudanese authorities on media attempting to cover the Darfur conflict on site.

At a round table for news editors held in Amman, Jordan, participants agreed that the Arab media coverage of the crisis in Darfur fell short of a number of aspects in the news coverage. A set of recommendations was presented in the closing statement from the meeting.

Recommendations
Based on the findings, the contributing organisations recommend that action be taken to
- Provide conflict sensitive journalism training to journalists as well as to editors and other gatekeepers so all involved in the process are on the same page;

- Encourage media organizations to pool resources and build cooperation for coverage of Darfur, thus enabling resources to stretch further.

Background
The main goal of the research was to analyze the quality of the communication in the non-Sudanese and Sudanese media through quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of selected media outlets, both electronic and print, regarding the Darfur crisis. The content analysis was subsequently combined with qualitative interviews with key journalists involved in the coverage in Sudan as well as Arab media.

The report comprises the findings following monitoring and assessment of media coverage of the Darfur conflict in 21 different media outlets combined with interviews with 11 journalists and editors. The data was gathered between November 2007 and March 2008. The research was conducted in a joint cooperation between International Media Support, Cairo Institute of Human rights Studies, Osservatorio di Pavia, Amman Community Net and Khartoum Centre for Human rights and Environmental Development.
Contributing organisations
Several institutions were involved in gathering and analysing the data for this report. The Osservatorio di Pavia developed the methodology for the media content analysis and trained and supervised the monitoring team. The Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies organized the quantitative and qualitative monitoring of the media content. Amman Community Net carried out the interviews with journalists and editors. International Media Support was responsible for the overall management of the project and the final editing of the report. All organisations contributed to the analysis of the data. Additionally, Khartoum Centre for Human Rights and Environmental Development contributed to the overall design of the project.

The project has been made available through funding provided by Ford Foundation and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

- cairo institute for human rights studies